Indigenous Flood Coping Strategies towards Livelihoods: A Study in Haor Area of North-East Bangladesh

Abstract

The study has been conducted in the famous Tanguar Haor region in north-eastern part of Bangladesh which represents one of the most vulnerable communities as there are frequent monsoon and flash floods. People of this remote area have developed some coping mechanisms to resist the adverse impacts of flood. The study has attempted to explore resilience of the households with regard to various aspects of livelihoods such as income opportunity, shelter, water and sanitation, health, food security, marketing system, communication, food intake behavior, etc. The purpose of the study was to explore coping and resilience of the haor resource-dependent community living in adjacent villages of Tanguar Haor region to minimize flood risks for maintaining their livelihoods. Four villages of Uttar (north) and Dakshin (south) Bongshikunda union of Dharmapasha upazila under Sunamgonj district have been selected for this study following some specific criteria. A total of 175 households were selected following purposive sampling. The demographic and socio-economic data were collected through questionnaire survey and qualitative data were collected through in-depth interview, key informants interviews, participant observation, case study, focus group discussions (FGDs) and PRA techniques and methods. A descriptive approach was used for data analysis.

Findings reveal that in the study villages, cycle of economic activities varies significantly with changes in the seasons. Farming (82.27%) and fishing (80.68%) are considered the major occupations of the households. Members of most of the households carry out multiple livelihood activities apart from their primary or main occupation. Households in the village are not affected by flood equally as they vary in source and amount of income, households composition. The findings show on average 16.84% of households has no homestead land and about 52.61% households has no agricultural land of their own. Female-headed households and elderly women are more likely to be indigent. Data shows that 90.29% households received loan during the previous 12 months preceding the day of enumeration. Local mohajon (moneylenders) popularly known as ‘gerostho’ (householder) are the main providers (33%) of their loan. In case of early flash flood people are bound to borrow money from the available sources or sell property (e.g., cow, land). In the rainy season, the only transport is boat/trawler. The findings clearly reveal the remoteness of the villages indicating difficulty for development of physical infrastructure in the area. As a result, scopes relating to livelihood cannot be created at the expected level. Before the commencement of flood season people usually raise the plinth of their houses, they repair mounds of homesteads by constructing bamboo fence with soil, chailla grass (one kind of tree), dholkolmi (one kind of tree, local term ujauri), water-hyacinth (local term germoni), etc. to withstand flood. In most cases house protection initiative is carried out by household members alone, but the issue of common interest e.g. constructing a barricade around the people’s cluster-homestead area for its protection is often done by neighborhoods collectively. People have traditional knowledge regarding prediction of rain and flood. Perception of women and men regarding early warning of flood is quite distinct. During big flood the devastating situation compelled a large number of people to migrate to a safe place to take temporary refuge. Households adopt various types of mechanisms to save lives of their vulnerable family members. They adopt some good practices to protect children e.g. they construct fencing barriers across the door, around veranda and courtyard to prevent children from unintended access to flood risk areas. The results indicate that though aged persons are vulnerable, they have resources and capacities as well. Older women often play a key role in childcare, allowing young generations to invest time and energy in risk reduction or adaptive strategies. The community people take collective initiatives to rebuild or reconstruct the damaged community assets like embankment, school, mosque, village roads, bamboo-bridge, tube wells, etc. They raise community fund and those who are unable to contribute financially, provide physical labor. The study shows commonly adapted coping strategy to face water crisis. The villagers mentioned installing tube-wells on high ground or raising the platform to deal with this catastrophe. As adaptation measure some households (16.57%) harvest rain water traditionally. The villagers raise the plinth of toilets by piling up earth considering the highest flood level. During flood people living in the haor villages keep valuable items like food, clothes, grain, etc. on elevated structure locally called ‘machan’. They use elevated dhaner gola (paddy container) to keep their grain safe from flood water. Households keep valuable documents like land records, certificates, books, etc. (wrapped with plastic sheets) on the ceiling, to the house post hanging, on elevated shelf or raised platform. Documents stored in this manner are protected from rain or flood. Small country boats under private ownership are used to meet emergency needs (e.g. evacuation). The villagers have transport repair capacity within community. It is found that people in the study area regularly visit the haor in connection with the affairs of their livelihoods. Majority people go to haor for agriculture and fishing purposes. Findings show that over 87% households procures various plants and fruits from haor which are used for different purposes namely food, fuel, fodder, medicinal plants, materials for fencing/thatching, making boat/raft, protecting village mound from waves, and trap for fish. Prior to harvesting of boro rice opportunities for income become scarce, then indigent people go to the haor with a view to collecting wild fruits and plants. The study finds that the self-serving force dominated social power structure excludes the marginalized from sharing the scarce haor resources. Depletion of natural resources has direct negative impact on the livelihood of the families who rely on haor for their livelihood sources. Households in the study area need at least two sources of income, because occupational engagements vary in the dry and flood seasons. The survey finds 82.27% of households engaged in farming (both cultivation of owned and leased land and also a day laborer), while 80.68% either as primary or secondary source dependent on fishing. Non-farm day labor provides additional income for 39.17% of the families, while small business activities are a source of income for 34.23% of the families in the villages surveyed.

To cope with the economic losses induced by flood, people take alternative source of income, which is not always guaranteed. In the months of Ashwin and Kartik (months of Bengali year) the poor households take land from the rich as Aadi-bhaga (sharecropping). This practice of ‘aadi bhaga’ characterizes the economy of the study area. Crop damage due to flash flood is a big threat to the people, especially who work as sharecroppers. To cope with the adverse situation, some farmers in Bongshikunda followed some adaptive and innovative farming practices. They cultivate short duration rice variety such as BR-28 in their small plot of land for saving their only one crop from flash flood. Another method they usually apply is early seeding on seed bed, when flood water recedes early. According to farmers, early seeding followed by early transplanting method can save their boro rice from flash floods. It is found that though the floods cause a huge effect, people are still able to recover some harvest or income because of these innovative practices. To mitigate crop damage farmers reap pre-mature crops.

Households of the study area practice traditional methods of seed storage. In most cases women carry out seed preservation related activities. The traditional seed storage practices include: storage in motka (big sized clay pot), Payela (earthen pitcher), ‘dula’ (special container made of bamboo, plastic bag and cane). They also build extra ceilings underneath the main ones to store seeds and crops to protect from inundation. During the monsoon months agriculture laborers are engaged in fishing to cope with the vulnerable situation or to earn livelihoods. The results indicated that the total income from different sources declined after the post-flood period. The poor affected households are reported taking loans with high interest from ‘gerostho’ to meet basic needs. The study explored livelihood diversification trend of the households. Diversification of livelihood contemplated through off-farm labor such as ferrying passengers by boat, goods transportation, paddy business by boat, earth work, renting boat, etc. The results explored that the families having more than one income earning member and involved in multiple income sources are more disaster resilient. Fishers are excluded from their rights to fishing due to illegal practices and negative role of local power structure. As a consequence, fishers opt for alternative livelihood. When farmers do not get a good harvest of rice, they will heavily dependent on fish. It was observed that people use local knowledge to save their livestock as they are valuable assets. Many people especially the landless raise goats and cows on sharing basis. When the low-lying areas of villages are inundated by severe floods, livestock is usually shifted to the high land of the locality. Some poor families try to avoid risk and sell livestock in an attempt to keep some money at hand.

The findings illustrate the measures taken for overcoming food insecurity situation during the lean period (Falgun-Choitra months of Bengali year or February-March), immediately before harvesting boro paddy. One of the most common strategies found among the households is to compromise with the quantity and quality of meals. People often depend on unconventional food items i.e. wild plants collected from haor. Usually women and children make attempts to collect water fruits and plants. When there is a prolonged flood or early flash flood households switch over to austerity measures like increased dependence on credit, distress sell of productive assets, which ultimately weaken their future income potential. Prior to floods, households store dry food such as chira (flattened rice), muri (puffed rice), grinded rice, etc. In most cases the food preservation works performed by women. Almost 98% of households said they preserve fire wood/fuel in advance. Collection, preparation and preservation of firewood are basically women’s job. About mechanism for cooking food during flood, 97% of the respondents stated arranging portable mud stove prior to any probable flood. Women carefully cook common food so as to save fuel and time.

It revealed that the total income from different sources declined during the post-flood period. Income opportunity reduces greatly, during the flash flood. The poor affected households reported taking loans with high interest from ‘gerostho’ during the post-flood period to meet basic needs. Local people in Bongshikunda cannot easily transport their crops, vegetables, small fish, chicken, egg, milk etc. to the market and get good prices from sale. Ultimately, they endure the suppression of the middlemen. Almost 90% of the households reported taking loans during the year prior to the interview. Once the crops are lost or houses are damaged, households tend to take loans from mohajans (moneylender) or mortgage their land to mohajans for borrowing money. The researcher observed various conditions of money lending systems prevailing in the area. It is common that many poor households sell their valuable assets to repay the loans taken from moneylenders who are very rigid and realize amount of loaned money by any means.

The researcher observed that household members adopt a number of coping strategies to recover from disaster related losses. The strategies include use of social networks and relationships, livelihood diversification, reduction of expenses such as changing food habit, engaging women and children in work, advance labor, distress selling, working for extra hours, temporary or permanent migration etc. The findings reveal that household members are changing their mindsets regarding choice of occupations. They try to be involved in non- traditional sectors e.g. some small farmers temporarily become rice traders. Fishers opt for fish related business like buying and selling fish. The flood affected people take some ‘austerity measures’ in regard to food intake and use of resources. As a negative coping strategy, some ultra-poor people sell their labour in advance at low rate. To recover from property damage (e.g. house), caused by the monsoon and post-monsoon flash flood, households sell their assets including cows, paddy, agricultural land. Some of them take future risk to meet present needs through selling household belongings and taking loan on high rate of interest. All these can be termed as ‘Risk Transfer’. As a strategy to recover from loss and damage caused by flood, some household members work for an extended period of time and engage themselves in laborious and risky work. For the people of Bongshikunda union (around 40%) seasonal migration is a crucial way of maintaining livelihood as well as coping with natural disasters. Many households also become de-facto female headed households as a consequence of the absence of male members for a long time. The role played by women in the absence of male is not usually appreciated. Many households invested remittance in more diverse livelihoods such as running small shops, leasing in land, raising cattle and dealing in crops/commodities and thereby they reduce extensive disaster risk. It is found that household intends to invest in house construction so as to be safe at the time of any flood or catastrophe.

Households adopt a number of coping strategies to recover from disaster related losses. One of the major factors that help recover immediate loss is activation of social networks and relationships. Almost all the respondents claimed that support of neighbors, family, and kinship networks in their resilience efforts is crucial. The invaluable support provided by the community to them usually reflect in the forms of taking care of children, elderly people, PWDs, taking care of belongings and domestic animals as well as tangible support like money, food, transport, shelter, tools and equipment. People work together to repair crop protection embankment every year to save crop fields from flood. Neighboring families share their labor and resources to protect their homestead from ‘afal’ or strong wave. The researcher found that these collective actions often occur spontaneously and informally, with significant impact on people’s livelihood. Many examples of social capital exist in the study area. In the villages sharing of resources (e.g. food, boat) is a common practice to face flood. It is found that the neighbors help the families of low income with repairing house and raising homestead land. Households collaborate with each other in respect of sowing seeds, planting seedlings in the land and harvesting crops. In a disaster situation, people help each other in whatever way e.g. they help carry paddy, rice, cow, goat, to the dry and high land. There are many evidences that the big land owners provide shelter for flood victims. Those who have boat help other people to evacuate safely. The destitute, who have no land receive material support like shelter, food, work opportunity from relatives and neighbors. It was observed that the households who could establish linkages and networks with individuals and institutions were better able to reduce the risks from disaster.

In the context of disaster prone villages in the haor area people have advantages including disaster experiences, which give them the ability to cope with, adapt to, and recover from disasters. For instance, households’ knowledge of hazard history, nature and risk plays an important role in building their resilience. When the rainy season comes, they observe the danger level of water and can understand through the past experience which side of the village will be badly eroded. Examples of skills that can contribute to natural disaster preparedness include knowing how to swim, local practices for agriculture and fishing, knowledge related to carpentry (boat/raft making), bamboo weaving, making fishing crafts and gear, shika (hanging net made of jute) making, building flood resistant houses, building houses on plinth/platform, etc. It revealed from FGD with fishing community that local fishers possess certain ecological knowledge such as what environment a particular species of fish likes and does not like, fish migrations in the rivers and movements to the haor, breeding places of particular species in the khal (canal) beel (fresh water lagoons), haor or in the river. The researcher observed the local fishermen use various fishing techniques. Local farmers follow some agricultural practices to protect their crops from flood hazards e.g. they harvest immature paddy during early flash flood and fast growing vegetables are planted after flood is over. The houses are typically built on mud platforms (or plinths) so that they remain above flood levels.

The inhabitants of the study area perceive disaster as part of their life. Despite hazard threats, people opt to live in their ancestral land with a hope that they will resume their normal life after the disaster. The risk associated with flood, lightning, thunderstorm, afal (strong wave) creates more or less anxiety among people, but their fear is minimized through some ritualistic behavior. At the time of storm, people make loud sound with a metal objects. Some people arrange special prayer before harvesting crops so that it is not damaged by flash flood. They believe storm will go away if they perform religious worship. Local knowledge is undergoing changes as a result of broader socio-economic and cultural changes. Traditionally, food and labor were shared throughout the village. Now labor sharing system has become almost extinct due to the dire economic condition of the poor. As haor people live in remote isolated island like villages they have limited access to different organizations. According to local people, the government activities to manage flood are visible only in post-disaster response phases such as providing relief to the flood affected people. Union Parishad (lowest tier of local government institution) is the only government institution where the poor people have easy access to get service at first during flood. For lack of financial capacity, the local institution is required to work under the guidance of the upper level bodies (upazila/sub-district and district administration). As a result, it becomes difficult for the local institution to allocate funds according to the deserving people’s needs and demands. This study takes the view that safety net program had a poor coverage because only 27.82% of households received some sort of help. By and large, NGOs programs aim to improving the overall living conditions of the haor people. However, their interventions are too small compared to the broader needs of the people. Often, there are problems in terms of necessary coordination. It is evident that women build up resilience on the basis of their experience that they gain through their day-to-day hardship and struggles. They know they will have to face catastrophic floods every year but never give up. Women have certain capacities that help not only them but the whole family to cope better during flood. Women are involved in productive activities such as pre and post-harvest activities, poultry and livestock rearing, small shop keeping, duck rearing, mateer kaj (earth cutting), vegetable gardening, arranging traditional fishing gears such as chai, bair, net weaving, collecting and selling fuel wood. Women perform reproductive chores such as care and maintenance of household and members; ensuring food availability; make portable stove, fetching water; preserving fuel; preserve fodder and dry food, make shika (jute net), clean household premises after flood; repair houses, raise homesteads, make machan (elevated platform), bamboo fencing around homestead; etc. Many of them are involved in disseminating early warning messages; constructing temporary embankment to protect crops as community role. During the monsoon, regular income generating activities drop and men lose their earning. In this situation, men cannot perform their responsibility i.e. catering to their families and as a result, they tend to migrate. At that time women earn their livelihoods and fill up the vacuum by looking after the respective families through arrangement of food and other goods. The role of women in ensuring food security is vital to the household economy. Women’s responsibility and workload increase manifold during severe flood. They need to perform immediately after flood water recedes. They clean flood-damaged home, polish house floor with mud, repair house fence, clean the dirt from yard, repair cattle shed. The study investigates household responses to disaster risk from resilience perspectives. “The Resilience House”-- an analytical framework for household resilience has been used in this study to analyze the research issues. The framework as illustrated by the researcher considers household as part of a broader community or system. In defining the concept of resilience, the researcher has reviewed three components of resilience i.e. absorptive, adaptive, and transformative capacities. Some examples of absorptive capacity of the households include: households temporarily reduce their expenses following a drop in their income; they reduce the quantity of meals per day; they have developed community-based early warning system based on traditional knowledge; stock of emergency food, etc. Adaptive capacity, e.g. household in the study area diversify its crops in order to respond to floods; they adopt new agriculture methods (e.g. growing early variety crops, early seeding and transplantation), diversifying livelihood bases (engaging in off-farm labor); engaging in new social networks (membership of NGO samity/group, village-based samity, Tanguar Haor Samity); etc. Transformative capacity, for example, when a farmer or fisherman decides to stop farming and fishing and migrates to city to become day labor in Fish Arot (wholesale house), stone worker, farm labor, domestic helper, rickshaw/van driver, etc. From the past learning, households in the study area now make houses with stronger structures; they elevate their houses more than the water level of the past few years. Individuals have also transformed their behaviors, such as they are trying to do other jobs apart from their traditional occupation. Flood hazards have differentiated impacts on households, even in the same village of the study area. The findings illustrates that resilience of haor community constrained by some factors such as exclusion of local poor fishers from water bodies, the neediest people remain out of coverage of government scheme, absence of community based planning for risk reduction. The present research employs “Sustainable Livelihoods Framework” (adopted from Carney, 1998) as theoretical underpinning to search for broader meaning of findings.

The findings reveal that local people have developed their own coping strategies to cope with the adverse situation of flood. They are quite resilient to flood, facing it with courage. The flood devastates their livelihood, but affected people always bounce back. It was observed that adaptive capacity of the local communities has been severely curbed by social, economic, and political factors leading to marginalization and exclusion of the poor from local resources by powerful groups. The researcher firmly believes that efficient management of the flood risks will be truly effective and meaningful if consideration is attached to the local people’s enormous abilities as well as their invaluable indigenous knowledge. The study emphasizes that careful initiatives should be taken to establish the rights of the poor fishermen to natural resources of the haor and its surrounding areas. The concerned authority must foil any conspicuous attempt taken by the local powerful group(s) to exclude the poor from possessing natural resources. Government’s special attention is required to strengthen local institutions, giving full autonomy to local institutions so that they can mobilize and generate enough capabilities to cope with and respond to floods and improve their livelihoods of the people living in haor area.