The positioning of the Bengali settlers in Chittagong hill tracts: A development understanding

Abstract

This anthropological study titled “The Positioning of the Bengali Settlers in Chittagong Hill Tracts: A Development Understanding” has been conducted to determine the actual positioning of Bengali settlers within the development dynamics of the CHT. The major concern of this study has to explore and determine the positioning of Bengali settlers within some dynamics which are the impacting factors for belonging to the CHT. There are some important dynamics such as land disputes, CHT peace accord, refugees and IDPs issues, Bengali settlements context, economic conditions of ethnic groups, basic amenities, business and tourism, social life context and development dynamics in the CHT, that the present research was going through with considered these issues. The present study has categorized the people of the CHT into three broad categories; one of them is minor ethnic groups, popularly known as Phahari, second one is Adi Bengalis, who have been living in the CHT by natural process before the huge migration of Bengali families took place and third one is Bengali settlers, who migrated from plain land as a part of Government policy and sponsorship. During 1979 to 1984 there are around 400,000 Bengalis were said to have been settled in the CHT. As a result of Bengali settlement, the population ratio of Phahari and Bengali in the CHT became nearly equal as of now. However, by the government settlement processes most of the Bengali settlers came to CHT from the Chittagong, Noakhali, Comilla, Sylhet and Mymansing district. The issues of Bengali settlement and the real conditions and position of Bengali settlers in CHT have not been studied earlier. Unfortunately there is a dearth of information about Bengali settlers in the CHT. There is no specific research work been found on the Bengali settlers. Moreover, shortage of attention trained in this regard, lack of resources for conducting research, and similar other reasons might have been responsible for an inadequate number of studies on the Bengali settlers of the CHT. Researchers and development practitioners’ attention has not received a lot in this regard. Due to that with a proper anthropological investigation into the different dimensions of Bengalis migration and development dynamics, certain facts have been carried out to understand the actual scenarios of Bengali settlers positioning in the CHT. The present study has been conducted in the Khagrachari sadar and Panchhari upazilla area of Khagrachori districts in the CHT. The number of Upazilla (sub district) in Khagrachari district is 09, named- Khagrachari Sadar, Mahalchori, Manikchori, Panchori, Luxmichori, Dighinala, Matiranga, Ramgor and Guimara containing 38 Unions. The total population of Khagrachari district is 613917 (Male- 313793 and Female- 300124), Phahari and Bengali ratio is 52:48. There are eight important Paras/Villages (in terms of respondents) for conducting fieldwork, namely– Shalbon Gucha Gram, Comilla Tila Gucha Gram, Shaat Vaiya Para (Marma), Haduk Para (Tripura), Narayn Khaiya and Upali Para (Chakma), of Khagrachori sadar area and Ultha Chari, Zia Nagar of Panchari Upazila areas. The weightage of the selected paras/villages for conducting fieldwork this study has considered some factors such as these areas are inhabited by the study people (Chakma, Marma, Tripura, Adi Bengali and Bengali settlers) and most of the Bengali settlers and their residential area ‘Cluster Villages’ situated in the Khagrachari sadar and Panchari Upazilla area. This anthropological research on the proposed theme and for a comprehensive understanding, different methods have been applied for collecting and interpreting data. An integrated approach (qualitative and quantitative) has been taken for the purpose of the study. Both primary and secondary data was collected from several of sources using both qualitative and quantitative techniques. Data also obtained through participant and non-participant observation method. Primary data has been collected from different individuals as well as from key informants who have knowledge about Bengali settlers and other ethnic groups of the CHT. Specific information gathered through case studies to supplement the data obtained from other sources. Therefore, the methodological tools and techniques of this study was primary based focused on qualitative one, on the other hand, quantitative methods have been used wherever needed and this have brought strength and comprehensive to this study. However, as an anthropologists and a researcher the long term training in this field has helped to develop an understanding for applying anthropological methods. Which appears to be most important is that there are few things that helped generating the base of the methodological understanding and these are settlement processes, cultural assimilation, development dynamics, behavioral understanding, cultural diversity and ethical consideration during the field study. The theoretical framework and conceptual understanding of this study, a substantial literature on the integration, internal migration or settlement, and development issues in the context of CHT has appeared, and on this the present review focuses. This literature encompasses theoretical contributions. Study of internal migration and new settlement is a key importance in social sciences as well as economics and it emerges not only the movement of people from one locality to another for new settlement inside the country but also influences on livelihoods and betterment of life. There are some perspectives on integration of different groups confront themselves in the social sciences such as assimilation theory, multiculturalism, and structuralism theory. Not only is each framework useful in its own right in addressing of the study problem, the all complements one another, giving rise to a more dialogical and interdisciplinary tool in understanding oppression in the context of the Bengali settlement and their positioning in the CHT. More importantly, these frameworks help to contextualize the development paradigm in the context of CHT. The comprehensive reviewing of the literatures was an important segment for this study. Because it provided an up-to-date data for understanding of the subject and identified the methods used in previous research on the topic. Moreover the literary works provided information to corresponding and comparisons to the present research findings. The reviewed literatures acted as a stepping-stone towards achievement of the study objectives. Nevertheless, the literatures reviews provided a solid background to back one’s investigation and helped to understand the nature of Bengali settlement and development dynamics in the CHT. Access to basic amenities such as safe drinking water, electricity, sanitation, health care and communication is imperative for a decent life. The need for these basic amenities has been universally recognized. Belongings always considered as essential to make life easier and more pleasant. The local authority has to provide the isolated people like Bengali settler with basic amenities. Presence of the communication facilities within the villages (Paras) indicates that the Chakma community received more attention from the government and NGOs for their development compared to Phaharis belonging to other ethnic groups. One possible reason for this was that after the CHT Peace Accord of 1997 Phahari communities received more attention from Government and NGOs, whereas Bengali settlers are not getting well communication facilities from both government and NGOs compared to other groups of the CHT. It is observed that the Bengali settlers’ paras (Cluster Villages) were neglected in terms of getting ‘common para facilities’ like good road communications. Living conditions are the most important factor in people’s lives. Housing is often viewed as a barometer for the households of the economy, and this is certainly the case at the moment. As different financial capacities or social determinants in general - may lead to different housing conditions, they can be a potential source of inequalities. In this regards the present study has unfold that the Bengali settlers are living in substandard houses and it supposes to expose that their social and household financial conditions are weaker than other counterparts. The present study has tried to explore relationship among the ethnic groups of the CHT. Different types of dimensions were observed in terms of their relationship. Usually Phaharis have good relationship with Adi Bengalis but relations with Bengali settlers are quite different. Most of the Phaharis think that, Bengali settlers were the creator of harmful life and destroyed their natural peaceful life in the CHT. Adi Bengalis have been peacefully living inside and beside their Paras (Villages) and their relationships with Bengali households are usual. On the contrary, major portion of Bengali settlers informed that the Shanti Bahini (SB) burnt their houses, occupied lands by killing them. On an average adi Bengali and Bengali settler relations are good in condition. So, considering all the circumstances it is very clear that, long after the ceasefire and the peace accord, distrust and suspicion still exist and previous bitter experiences which are reflected in their relationship. However, due to lack of mutual trust between Bengali settler and Phahari could not become cordial dwellers of the CHT. Household’s economy of the different ethnic groups have been studied intensively and with special attention to the Bengali settlers, reasons for that it was assumed, Bengali settlers are going through economic hardship and have very limited access to income generating activities in the CHT. The presence of trade and business in the CHT and their status in this regard is very poor. Where most of the businesses under the controlling of Adi Bengalis, nevertheless there had some traditional small industries and hand looming, bamboo and wooden craft industries are running under the ownership of Phaharis. On the contrary, Bengali settlers’ position is very poor regarding their presence in the business sector. However, once the Phahari people were back warded in terms of getting services in the CHT but now they are in onwards in this particular sector. It could be a positive outcome of the CHT Peace Accord. However insignificant number of Bengali settlers were doing job in a lower levels and most of the middle and higher level jobs in the CHT were under the positioning of Phaharis, mainly Chakma and Adi Bengalis. The households’ income, expenditure, and savings are revealed in the table 6.5. On an average, Adi Bengali households stood first in position followed by Chakma households in terms of income, expenditure, and savings. The Marma and Tripura household’s income, expenditure, and savings were almost same, though Marma households little were bit ahead than Tripura. It is very interesting that there has no similarity between income and expenditure of the Bengali settler. Without ration their households’ monthly deficit was 416.67 Tk. Bengali settlers- large part of the population are economically dependent on government rations, the gap in living standards between Bengali settlers and other inhabitants of CHT has been widening in course of time. The study has been tried to unfold the development features of the CHT. However, it was also needed to explore the actual positioning of Bengali settlers within the development dynamics in the CHT. It is observed that after the CHT peace accord Phaharis are getting more facilities from the both International Organizations (IOs) and non government organization (NGOs) than Bengali settlers, though they are as marginalized as ethnic minorities. The development initiatives of the IOs and NGOs, which is mostly in favor of Phaharis. Bengali settlers’ issues are very insignificant in the index of International Donor Agencies and NGOs. Therefore, it is evidentially proven that Bengali settlers in CHT are backward in position that there has very limited space or option for them to gain socio-economic benefits thereby without boosting from both GOs and NGOs position it would be more difficult to go equally with other groups of CHT. Land issue is the most crucial one of the CHT problems. On average Phahari households own more land then both types of Bengalis in the CHT where they (Phahari) had least number of registered ownership documents. Most of the Phahari’s lands fall under the category of traditional-customary property. Most of the Bengali settler respondents informed that, in general “Phahari’s has lands without documents and Bengali settlers’ have documents without lands” this is the main climax of the CHT land problems. The Chittagong Hill Tracts Land Dispute Resolution Commission (Amendment) Act, 2016 added a provision that “No appeal shall be maintainable against the judgment of this commission and the decision of this commission shall be deemed to be final”. The Bengalis are protesting against this clause because they seemed to be deprived without appeal provision. In the Land Commission there has no representative from Bengali Settlers, whereas most of the land dispute cases were pit Bengali settlers against Phahari people. The Bengali settlers worried for that, if once the Land Commission gives decision against them then they have no alternative place to put up their land documents for reviewing again. The Peace Accord introduced a special governance system for the CHT with a CHT Regional Council (CHTRC) as the apex body of three Hill District Councils (HDCs) under a special Ministry for Chittagong Hill Tracts Affairs (MOCHTA). Two-thirds of the seats in the CHTRC and HDCs, including the positions of chairs, are reserved for Phahari people and one-third for permanent Bengali residents. All most all the offices headed by Phahari with two-third reserved seats and also they are enjoying all the local level official power in the CHT. Whatever the total population of Bengali settlers in the CHT hence they have no official power at all, they are only demographic figure of CHT. According to the Peace Accord, the internally displaced refugees will be rehabilitated by the Task Force. One of the most contentious issues in connection with the rehabilitation of these internally displaced refugees is over the role of the Task Force. Not only is their rehabilitation still pending, but a major conflict erupted between the government and the JSS leadership over the mandate of the Task Force, or more concretely over the question whether Bengali settlers should also be considered internally displaced people. The inclusion of Bengali settlers who were brought into the region under the transmigration programme carried out between 1979 and 1984 in the list was denounced by PCJSS and the Jumma Refugees Welfare Association, which boycotted subsequent meetings of the Task Force. The Task Force made a list of the internally displaced people that shows now there are at least 1,28,364 internally displaced families in the CHT of which 90,208 families are ‘tribal’ and 38,156 are ‘non-tribal’. Notwithstanding, these depreciated refugees (including Phahari and Bengali settlers) are wistfully waiting for a better life. The peace could be rebuilt in the CHT by the rehabilitation of repatriated and internally displaced refugees. However, considering all these issues it is revealed that, though the Phahari-Bengali population ratio is near about same nonetheless development initiatives are not taken equally for all. Bengali settlers are seemed to be deprived on account of getting equal opportunities from the IOs and NGOs development initiatives. However, Bengali settlers have been going through various forms of struggles ranging from economic hardship to the politics of existence in the CHT. The political turbulence which lasted for a little more than two decades (1974-1996) in CHT have barred development organizations from taking any significant initiative directed towards the poor in the region. The signing of the Peace Agreement in 1997 created an environment for such ventures in the region. The Huge Development activities were started after a joint assessment by the government and the UNDP (2003) reported that the CHT is safe for development workers in the CHT. On the line of the constitutional recognition International Donor Agencies and NGOs have taken various development initiatives for the CHT people especially for the Phahari people. On the contrary, Bengali settlers are not under consideration of these International Agencies and NGOs, thereby many problems are creating among the CHT groups for prejudiced development initiatives. Though the huge development initiatives have been undertaken by IOs and NGOs for Phaharis but no specific development initiatives has taken for the betterment of Bengali settlers. Bengali settlers demanding that all development initiatives should be taken equally for the all communities of the CHT including Bengali settlers because it also has to be considered that they are almost one fourth populations and as marginalized group as the minor ethnic groups of the CHT.